While Italy has become one of the main access gate to Europe, a large part of the migratory flows originating from the Central Mediterranean Route proves to be mixed in nature, in between voluntary and forced relocation. Yet, the reception system in place obstinately mistakes all migrants for mere refugees, apparently against their own interests, as it is shown in the procedure of the ricorso (appeal). This striking paradox reflects an approach to the so called migratory crisis that has a seamless racialist foundation all along the way.
“I’m making pancakes, and there’s Nutella, come up in a bit” “oi … you have my back dont snake it” “come b4 I finish dem mwhaha :p” These tweets, which may look as a normal chat between girls using the typical teenagers’ slang, are, on the contrary, a conversation between some “Jihadi Brides”, the women […]
Watching El Cid – Anthony Mann’s movie – half a century after its release in 1961 it gives an unmistakable sensation of déjà vu. The representations of yesterday’s villains, the black-clad, fanatical hordes ready to “sweep up from Africa” and conquer “first Spain, then Europe and the whole world” carry uncanny similarities with today’s arch-villains, the ISIS terrorists. Even their banners look alike. Fred Halliday writings about ‘Islam’ and the myth of confrontation with the West help putting things in perspective.
Islam-inspired armed groups and terrorist attacks stroked public opinions and affected political equilibria in contexts as diverse as France and Mali, Libya and Tunisia. Far from being attributable to a monolithic agency, the ‘Islamic threat’ appears nonetheless as a critical issue in public discourse and state agency in a variety of Western, Mediterranean and African countries. This article aims to offer a preliminary reflection on the reform process of the Moroccan religious domain in the light of current security concerns, in order to tentatively shed light upon the national and regional implications of Moroccan religious cooperation.
“Me against my brother; but me and my brother against our cousin; me, my brother and my cousin against our neighbours; and all of us against the stranger”: the quintessential traits of segmentary societies are nicely captured by this old Tuareg saying. The political machinations preceding the February 21 presidential elections in Niger, the country harbouring the world largest proportion of Tuareg, provide a stark illustration of this pattern. Despite its perceived peripherality, Niger lies at the core of European (anti-)migration policies and therefore deserves strong attention.
Giulio Regeni, Italian PhD student in development studies, University of Cambridge, has been found dead on February 3rd 2016, with evidence of brutal violence. His corpse was dumped in a ditch by a construction site in the outskirts of Cairo along the road to Alexandria: he was half naked according to the pointless, sensationalistic reconstructions […]
Despite the imaginaries projected by mainstream media, the new wave of protests unfolding in Tunisia has little to do with political Islam. Social issues are instead at the heart of the ongoing revolutionary process.
[This post is an adaptation and translation into English of an article originally appeared in the website ‘Tunisia in Red’ on January 31st 2016, whose original title is “Per una informazione corretta sulla Tunisia.” The content has been agreed upon by the authors, and its publication here relaunches their call]
Micro-level, decentralised Accoglienza Diffusa is the predominant approach to the ‘management’ of the migratory flows from the ‘Central Mediterranean Route’ adopted in Italy: this posts discusses the system in the Mugello sub-region (Tuscany). Migrants’ and asylum seekers’ motivations and expectations are de facto not taken into consideration, while the European legal framework is still forced onto a reality mismatch. As a result the ‘Centres of Temporary Assistance’ (CAS) become the last stage of an (economically) unsustainable process, whose actual beneficiaries are not the migrants themselves. In the majority of cases their applications are rejected and they are supposed to return ‘home’.
Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s lynching and defamation modes are again on the headlines, this time with the charges and accusations against “Academics for Peace”, an initiative of academics who signed a statement that became known as the Peace Petition. The statement, released on Monday 11 January, was signed by more than thousand academics from about 90 universities, including Noam Chomsky, Judith Butler, Etienne Balibar, David Harvey, and Immanuel Wallerstein.
The editorial board of Security Praxis shares the concern expressed by scholars, researchers and political analysts for academic freedom in Turkey. We endorse the Public Statement of the Presidents and Chairs of Professional Associations on “International Studies” regarding the Prosecution of Academics in Turkey, issued on January 19 as a collective endeavour to act in defense of academics’ right to express their political views freely and without having to fear for their jobs or personal freedom. We decided to repost on our blog the “Letter in support of academics for peace in Turkey” originally available at https://freedomofexpressiontr.wordpress.com